Province	Name of community	Number of respondents
Guadalcanal	Vatukalau	25
	White river	25
	Zion	30
	Titinge	26
Malaita	Ambu	25
	Kaloka-Ol'ola	25
	Tolo-Kokomu	25
	Kwaibala	25
Makira	Kaonasuqu	25
	Kirakira	25
	Cambell	25
	Pamoa	25
Western	Sagheraghi	25
	Gizo	25
	Noro	25
	Munda	25
Total respondents		406

 

Survey Results and Discussion

A.    Demographics

The 2013 survey was conducted among a sample of 406 individuals.  In 2012, the baseline survey was conducted among a sample of 391 individuals.

As shown in Table 1, the 2013 sample included an almost equal proportion of men and women, with most respondents aged between 15 and 35. As was the case in 2012, the respondents came in near equal parts from the four provinces of Western, Makira, Guadalcanal, and Makaita.

Table  1: Demographics of respondents in 2012 and 2013 (gender, age, urban/rural location, province and education)

	Sample size	Male: female	Age group				Urban: Rural
			<15	15-24	25-35	>35
2012	391	41%:59%	8%	17%	63%	11%	57%:43%
2013	406	52%:48%	9%	39%	27%	25%	50%:50%

 

	Province				Highest Level of Education
	Western	Makira	Guadalcanal (including Honiara)	Malaita	None	Primary	Secondary	Tertiary
2012	23%	28%	29%	20%	5%	35%	29%	31%
2013	25%	25%	26%	25%	10%	21%	55%	14%

 

 

 

 

B.    Knowledge of Trafficking

In 2013, a slight majority of respondents (52%) had not heard of the term ‘human trafficking’ before. Makira had the highest proportion of awareness of the term (64%), while Western Province had the least (36%). Rural respondents were 10% less likely to have heard of human trafficking than their urban counterparts, and females similarly showed 10% less awareness than males. This is presumably because of the lower accessibility of rural population and women to education, formal employment, newspapers, and awareness and training sessions. Awareness of the phrase ‘human trafficking’ increased steadily with age and education, a consistent trend throughout much of the survey.

 Figure  1: Source of knowledge of trafficking (2013)

Respondents reported having heard of human trafficking from: Police/NGO awareness raising, newspapers, and ABA ROLI Radio spots (the survey question specifically provided the option of ‘ABA radio spots’). In particular, a large proportion of respondents from Makira had heard of trafficking through police/NGO awareness raising, while those in Guadalcanal were more likely to be reached by television or movies, and ABA ROLI’s radio spots (see below).

 Figure  2: Source of knowledge of trafficking, by province (2013)

Figure 5 below shows the different sources of knowledge, by rural or urban location. The survey revealed that those in urban locations were more likely to be informed about trafficking through television, movies, social media and newspapers, while those in rural locations were more likely to be informed by friends and family, school or university, and radio. This is an unsurprising result given the increased availability of media and electricity for people in urban locations.

Figure  3: Source of knowledge of trafficking, by rural/urban location (2013)

In relation to understanding manifestations of trafficking, respondents were asked whether they knew what forced marriage, forced labour, and forced commercial sex were. There was little difference in the understanding of forced marriage, forced labour and forced commercial sex, with the percentage of positive responses being 66%, 69% and 67%, respectively. Of interest, the proportion of positive responses were lower than those of 2012, which were 88%, 87% and 85%:

Figure  4: Understanding of forms of trafficking in 2012 and 2013

There is no apparent reason why this would be the case, and the short time frame between the baseline and endline surveys makes it unlikely that awareness of forms of trafficking would have actually fallen significantly. It is more likely due to different manners of collecting data in relation to these specific questions: Notes on the 2012 data state that many people claimed to understand what forced marriage, forced labour and forced commercial sex were but provided confused answers when asked to explain these concepts. These responses were nonetheless recorded in 2012 as positive responses. In 2013, surveyors were trained to be able to probe responses, and in addition there may have been more time in the lead up to the survey questions to ensure respondents felt comfortable to admit lack of knowledge of these forms of trafficking, resulting in lower percentages. In any case, these results show that, while many people do not understand the actual term ‘trafficking’, they are more likely to understand articulated types of trafficking. This is likely due to the lack of familiarity of the term ‘trafficking’ in English or Pijin English vernacular, while the forms of trafficking (such as ‘forced labour’) are more self-explanatory.

Examining the demographic characteristic of the responses in 2013, there are clear correlations between education and age leading to greater understanding of trafficking. For example, Figure 5 shows knowledge of trafficking by formal education levels:

Figure  5: Knowledge of trafficking by formal education level (2013)

 

In addition, respondents from urban areas had consistently higher understanding of human trafficking:

Figure  6: Knowledge of trafficking by location (2013)

C. Perceptions and Attitudes Toward Trafficking

Perceptions of prevalence and causes of trafficking

Respondents were asked whether they personally knew someone who had been a victim of forced labour, forced marriage (for money), forced commercial sex or who was a child and had been paid for sex (this question was not asked in 2012). 311 of the 406 (77%) of respondents indicated they knew personally of at least one case of the above situations. This is a very significant figure, giving some indication of the prevalence of trafficking in Solomon Islands. The survey only counted respondents with knowledge of at least one case – the amount of cases may be even higher than suggested, as the survey did not ask how many cases were known to respondents.

Figure 8 shows that sex-related cases of trafficking were most identified by respondents, and cases of forced labour the least common. This supports the proposition that trafficking in Solomon Islands is often gendered, affecting women more than men, and interwoven with gender inequality as well as traditional practices. Labour-type trafficking may be less common due to the lower amount of formal commercial industry in Solomon Islands, or a lower susceptibility due to strong family safety nets in Solomon Islands, which protects against extreme poverty which may otherwise create a susceptibility to trafficking.

Figure  7: Type of trafficking case identified (2013)

There was significant variation in responses when analysed by province, as seen in Figure 9 below:

Figure  8: Able to personally identify at least one form of trafficking, by province (2013)

It is possible that this could be due to higher rates of trafficking in Malaita and Western Provinces. Factors for this could be stronger and more enforced distorted practices of bride price in Malaita and the high level of logging and fishing in Western Province.

Figure 9 (below) shows the breakdown of the identified cases, by province and type of trafficking. Respondents in Malaita reported the highest number of cases of forced marriage, those in Guadalcanal reported the highest numbers of paying children for sex, while those in Western Province had the highest number of forced commercial sex cases. By percentage per province however, Makira reported the highest percentage of cases of forced commercial marriage (43% of all identified cases) and interestingly described no cases of forced labour.

Figure  9: Trafficking cases personally identified by respondents, by province and type (2013)

The provincial variations may possibly be due to: a distortion of cultural practices in Malaita and Makira (which share cultural history), leading to higher levels of forced commercial marriage; high levels of wealth, tourism and outsider influence in Western Province leading to higher levels of forced commercial sex; and more urbanisation among the Guadalcanal respondents, resulting in higher anonymity and opportunity for practices such as the commercial sexual exploitation of children.

Unsurprisingly, paying a child for sex was more common in the urban areas (65% of cases identified were from urban respondents), while rural areas had slightly higher proportions of identified cases of forced labour (58% of all forced labour cases identified).

Respondents were also asked generally which of these four forms of trafficking they believed to occur most commonly in Solomon Islands. (This question was not asked in 2012).

Figure  10: Perception of form of trafficking happening the most (2013)

Despite cases of forced commercial marriage making up 34% of identified cases, only 21% of respondents believed forced commercial marriage to be the most common form of human trafficking in Solomon Islands. This potentially indicates that there may be an under recognition of the proportion of cases of forced commercial marriage (and paying children for sex) in Solomon Islands, or an over-recognition of the proportion of forced commercial sex cases.

Urban respondents were more likely to believe that forced commercial sex and paying children for sex are occurring most commonly, while rural respondents were more likely to point to forced labour and forced commercial marriage. This could be an accurate reflection of the forms of trafficking occurring more frequently in urban as opposed to rural locations (for example, increased levels of commercial sex due to increased anonymity and weakened community regulation).

Figure  11: Perception of form of trafficking occurring the most, by urban location (2012)

Figure  12: Perception of form of trafficking occurring the most, by rural location (2013)

There are observable trends in the age of respondents, with younger respondents being more likely to recognise cases of forced commercial sex, and older respondents more likely to identify cases of forced commercial marriage. This could be representative of evolving marriage practices in Solomon Islands, as increasingly more Solomon Islanders choose their own marriage partners.

 

Figure 13: Perception of form of trafficking occurring the most, by age group (2013)

In relation to causes of trafficking, 55% of respondents identified the need for money as the primary reason why victims become involved in trafficking. This was similarly the highest cause identified in 2012.

Perception of Whether Forms of Trafficking are Crimes

No substantial differences arose between 2012 and 2013, with forced commercial sex being the most commonly recognised crime by a slight margin, and with a reasonably high perception of trafficking forms being crimes. This result could be deceptive, as prostitution is a crime in Solomon Islands. It is possible that respondents were indicating their belief of prostitution being a crime, rather than forced commercial sex.

Figure  14: Perception of whether forms of trafficking are crimes

Attitudes Toward Victims

In 2013, a higher proportion than in 2012 (43% compared to 23%) identified young women as being the primary victims of human trafficking, from a choice of children, young women, or international women. However it is difficult to analyse this response deeply given that, in both years, a high proportion of responses were “all of them”.

Respondents were asked whether victims should be held responsible for what happens to them. In 2012, 53% of respondents answered ‘yes’. Urban men in particular were likely to believe that victims were to be held responsible (75%):

Figure  16: Should victims be held responsible for what happens to them? (2012)

Figure  156: Should victims be held responsible for what happens to them? (2013)

 In 2013, the percentage of respondents answering yes fell slightly, with 49% agreeing that victims should be held responsible for what happens to them. However in 2013, urban males were still proportionately the most likely to agree with the statement, but with a much lower percentage (52%). The drop of 4% is positive, but indicates an ongoing need to generate deeper understanding of victims’ situations.

When asked “could this happen to you?”, 49% of respondents in 2012 answered in the affirmative. In 2013, this percentage was lower at 36%.  In particular, Makira and Malaita provinces indicated perceptions of significantly reduced vulnerability. The reason for this is unclear, but could possibly relate to cultural notions of shame. The fact that, of the sample, Makira and Malaita had the highest proportion of respondents with no formal education or a primary education only (respectively) may be related, as the lesser education may give rise to a lack of understanding of how easily trafficking can come about. Conversely, the increased awareness in Makira may account of the significant drop in respondents feeling susceptible to becoming victims of trafficking.

Figure  17: Respondents answering 'yes' to the question – ‘could it happen to you?

Delving further into the area of paying children for sex, when asked ‘is it the child’s fault for getting involved in this?’ 24% of respondents answered ‘yes’. Respondents were also asked whether they thought Asian workers in logging camps could be the victims of forced labour: 66% answered yes, 31% answered no, revealing a reasonably low awareness of foreigners (particularly Asian logging workers) being able to be the victims of trafficking. This is likely to be linked to the prevalent hostility of Solomon Islanders towards Solomon Island residents of Asian ethnicity. Respondents in Makira were half as likely to believe this (see Figure 19 below) which could be the result of the greater awareness of trafficking seen in the Makira respondents. (Neither of these questions were asked in the baseline survey in 2012).

 

Figure  18: Respondents believing Asian workers in logging camps could be the victims of forced labour, by province (2013)

From both these questions, those with higher education were more likely to show sympathy for victims:

 

Figure  19: Percentage of respondents believing (1) it is not the child’s fault when paid for sex and (2) Asian workers can be victims of forced labour, by education (2013)

These findings again highlight the correlation between formal education and raised awareness of human trafficking.

Acceptance of Forms of Trafficking

21% of all respondents believe that forced marriage (for money) is part of their culture. Variations can be observed by examining responses of each province. In particular, one third of people from Malaita believe that forced commercial marriage is part of their cultural heritage. This is likely due to the fact that the Malaita’s cultural practice of bride price is uniquely prevalent and robust. This is significant in designing responses to prevent trafficking in Solomon Islands.

Figure  20: Percentage of respondents believing that forced commercial marriage is part of their culture, by province (2013)

 

Younger people were less likely to believe that forced marriage for money is part of their culture, again perhaps signifying evolving cultural beliefs in relation to marriage.

Figure  21: Percentage of respondents believing that forced commercial marriage is part of their culture, by age group (2013)

When asked, ‘Do you think someone should marry the person their family tells them too, even if it is because the family will get money?’, 25% of respondents said yes, highlighting the prevalence of strong pressure from communities and family themselves in cases of forced commercial marriage. Notable differences in response can be noted on a provincial level:

Figure  22: Percentage of respondents agreeing that “someone should marry the person their family tells them too, even if it is because the family will get money”, by province (2013)

Malaita’s high response is unsurprising, as it is consistent with the findings in relation to culture above. The lower responses of Western Province and Guadalcanal may be tied back to the fact that the respondents of these provinces generally had higher levels of education, perhaps signifying increased independence and reduced compliance to family demands. However it is particularly interesting to note that respondents from Makira had the lowest proportional response to the question of whether forced commercial marriage was part of their culture, yet had the highest in agreeing that a person should marry someone of their family’s choosing, even if the marriage is for commercial purposes. This could indicate that, while cultural practices of forced commercial marriage are lower in Makira than other provinces, a strong obligation to respect family demands remains.

Again, those with higher education were less likely to agree with the survey statement.

Responses to trafficking

Respondents were asked whether they knew where to go for help (if they were a victim of trafficking). 76% said that they did know, but the percentage for those in Makira was lower than the average by around 30%. This could be linked to lower education levels or a reduced amount of services and stakeholders in Makira, which is likely because of its smaller population. In 2012, a lower percentage of 71% agreed that they knew where to go for help. This reveals that, while 5% more Solomon Islanders know where to go for help, almost one in four Solomon Islanders still do not. The percentages of those knowing where to go for help again increased as levels of education and age rose.

When asked, ‘Where should a victim go for help?’ 39% of respondents said police, followed by Social Welfare Division (20%). This question was not asked in 2012.

Figure  23: "Where should a victim go for help?" (2013)

People from rural locations were less likely than people from urban locations to believe that victims should go to community organisations, which may be a reflection of the lesser amount of community organisations in rural areas. In addition, the very young were less likely to turn to community organisations or social welfare, and rely more on family and police (see Figure 24 below). This is expected as the very young are likely to depend more on people most well-known to them, such as family and police.

Figure  24: "Where should a victim go for help?", by age (2013)

Respondents were also asked the related question of: “Who do you trust to help you?” 

Figure  25: "Who do you trust to help you?" (2013)

In 2013, the highest response was police, followed by family and then community organisations. In 2012, the top response was also police (35%), followed by church leaders (25%), chiefs (15%), and family (10%).

Figure  26: “Who do you trust to help you?", by gender (2013)

Of those answering ‘police’ in 2013, 57% were male and 43% female, and the same ratio for urban (57%) to rural (43%). Females were 9% more likely to trust community organisations (19% to 10%) and 10% more likely to trust family (29% to 19%).

Trust of police was higher in urban areas – perhaps due to increased accessibility of police in urban areas. Young people were proportionally more likely to trust family, and less likely to trust church and police.

As mentioned above, 77% of respondents stated that they personally knew at least one person who had been a victim of the various forms of trafficking outlined to them (even though they may not have personally identified these cases as trafficking). Of these 311 respondents, 207 (66%) stated that they did tell someone about this, signifying that 44% of people did not.

Figure  27: Percentage of respondents telling someone of an identified case of trafficking (2013)

From those respondents that did tell someone about a personally identified case of trafficking, they told the following people:

Figure  28: "Who did you tell?" (2013)

Friends were the most common category of persons told about an identified trafficking case. Considering that very small percentages of respondents trusted friends to help them in a situation of trafficking, it can be inferred that people do not tell friends with an expectation that friends will intervene in these situations. This raises the question of whether there is an attitude within Solomon Islands communities that intervention is inappropriate in situations of trafficking.

Although some variations are discernible between provinces (in Western Province, proportionally fewer people told police, and more told friends, while in Makira Province, proportionally more people told police, and fewer told family), the top 3 responses of friend, police, and family are generally consistent across the provinces. Any reports to police are unlikely to be characterised as trafficking cases, as trafficking itself was not officially a legislated crime enforced in Solomon Islands until 2014. In addition, such reports may not result in official cases, as police play a significant role in community mediation.

Figure  29:  "Who did you tell?”, by province (2013)

Meanwhile, the highest proportional percentage of respondents not telling anybody was in Guadalcanal and Makira provinces. The probable reasons for this are discussed further below.

Figure  30: Percentage of respondents not telling of an identified case of trafficking, by province (2013)

Of the 104 people that knew personally of a case of trafficking and did not tell, the reasons are as follows:

Figure  31: "Why did you not tell?" (2013)

The most common response was a fear or worry about causing problems in the community. This reasons included concern about upsetting community harmony; breaking cultural custom of not talking about private matters; and the subsequent fear of causing the involved persons to make a claim for compensation. Closely related to this reason was the belief that it was not their business, as it was a private matter. Together, these two reasons accounted for 77% of respondents’ failure to report the identified case of trafficking.

Figure  32: "Why did you not tell?", by province (2013)

By province, it can be observed that respondents in Guadalcanal and Malaita Provinces were particularly concerned about causing problems. This is understandable given the concerns of causing cultural offences and raising claims for compensation in these provinces and these reasons may account for the proportionally low reporting rate from respondents in Makira and Guadalcanal. Those in Western Province were most likely to consider it not to be their business, and respondents in Makira Province were proportionally more likely to consider telling anyone to be futile (potentially due to lack or deficiency of police presence and other services).

Respondents who were less educated were more than twice as likely to think it was not their business:

Figure  33: Percentage of respondents not reporting a case of trafficking because it is 'not their business', by education (2013)

This again reinforces the cross-cutting impact of education. Older people were more likely to believe that it wasn’t their business, while younger people were more worried about causing problems. This is interesting as it shows that, even with changing cultural practices, the importance of community harmony continues to be shared by Solomon Islanders, regardless of age.

Figure  34: Reasons for not reporting a case of trafficking, by age (2013)

Respondents were asked whether people tell the police when they think these trafficking situations are happening in their community. 46% said yes, while 54% said no. This is slightly higher than in 2012, when 41% said yes, and 59% said no. It does reveal that there are however higher rates of perceived reporting than actual reporting, given that out of the 311 identified cases, only 59 people (19%) said they told police.

Respondents were asked why they in general don’t tell police. Similarly to the responses in relation why they didn’t tell anyone in the identified cases, there is a strong fear of reprisals (or causing problems), followed by a reluctance to interfere in the affairs of others. This is consistent with the reasons given in actual cases (see Figure 31 above). Additional reasons include because of shame on the part of the victim, as well as a lack of perceived need to tell police – some respondents explaining that the matter was best dealt with through community mechanisms, such as mediation by community elders and customary reconciliation.

Figure  35: "Why don't people tell police?" (2013)

Analysing the responses by province, it is evident that the reasons for not telling police about trafficking cases varies from province to province. In Malaita, a concern about reprisals is a primary reason (63%), while in Makira it is a less overwhelming at 29%. Shame was also a much higher response among Malaitan respondents than the other provinces. This is likely to be linked to cultural values and practices of Malaita. In Makira, respondents were less likely to recognise a need for reporting (18%), which may be tied back to the belief of the futility of reporting discussed earlier. In Western Province and Guadalcanal, a significant proportion of reasons for not telling related to the matter being resolved through other cultural or traditional means, while this was rarely a response among respondents from Makira and Malaita.

Figure  36: "Why don't people tell police?", by province (2013)

Respondents in urban locations exhibited a much stronger desire not to interfere due to the matter not being their business, highlighting the increased separation between people living in urban as opposed to rural locations. Rural respondents were, predictably, more likely to point to a lack of police presence as a barrier to reporting.

Figure  37: "Why don't people tell police?", by rural/urban location (2013)

Figures from last year of the most common responses show roughly the same proportions, with the same top reasons given:

Figure 38: "Why don't people tell police?" (2012 and 2013)

Prevention

Respondents were asked who is responsible for preventing the problem of trafficking. There was widespread recognition in both 2012 and 2013 that it needs to be a collaborative effort (68% in 2013 responding “everyone”). Of other responses, police come behind village/church leaders by just 1% (13% and 14%). In 2012, the role of village/church leaders was given more specific weight.

Figure  39: "Who is responsible for preventing the problem of trafficking?" (2012 and 2013)

Respondents were also asked what the biggest challenge will be to preventing trafficking. In both years, awareness and cooperation among different agencies was seen as the biggest challenges. Enforcement, financial challenges and the influence of customs were also noted in both years.

Figure  40: "What will be the biggest challenge to preventing trafficking?" (2012 and 2013)

Considering the responses province by province, respondents in Malaita considered awareness to be a particular challenge, while cooperation was seen more of a challenge in Makira. This may be a reflection of the relative lack of awareness in Malaita and the increased awareness efforts taking place in Makira in early 2013 by ABA ROLI (and the police in relation to commercial sexual exploitation of children). Stigma and shame were more likely to be recognised as challenges in Western Province. Customary practices were seen by some in every province as a challenge to preventing trafficking.

Figure  41: "What will be the biggest challenge to preventing trafficking?", by province (2013)

Conclusions and Recommendations 

This report on knowledge, attitudes, and perceptions of trafficking in Solomon Islands reveals that there is a significant lack of awareness in relation to human trafficking, with a slight majority of the population being unfamiliar with the term ‘human trafficking’. Despite this lack of familiarity of the term ‘human trafficking’ around 67% of the survey population understood common forms of trafficking (forced labour, forced marriage and forced commercial sex).

However, the survey also highlights the effectiveness of relatively minor awareness-raising activities. ABA ROLI ran an awareness campaign on two radio stations for one month, which was heard and recalled by over 10% of the sample population. This indicates how effective radio may be as a medium for reaching wide-spread people of Solomon Islands. Police awareness raising initiatives have also been effective, particularly those done in Makira Province. Similar awareness raising could be done in other provinces.

Many cases of trafficking are believed to be happening in the country, with 77% of respondents indicating personal knowledge of at least one case of trafficking. These percentages were even higher in Malaita and Western Provinces. The survey only counted respondents with knowledge of at least one case – the amount of cases may be even higher than suggested, as the survey did not ask how many cases were known to respondents. Forced commercial marriage and forced commercial sex are the most common forms of trafficking identified.

The survey reveals that there are strong attitudes towards trafficking and victims which may create challenges for responding to trafficking in Solomon Islands. In particular, there does not appear to be great sympathy towards victims, with 49% of respondents agreeing that victims should be held responsible for what happens to them and one in four respondents agreeing that someone should marry the person their family tells them too, even if it is because the family will get money. One in five respondents believes that forced commercial marriage is part of their culture, and this may help to explain the low levels of reporting. Of the trafficking cases personally identified by respondents, 44% did not tell anyone. Of the remaining respondents that did tell, the highest percentage (38%) told friends. Of the people that did not tell, most did not because of a fear of causing problems or reprisals (43%), or a belief that it wasn’t their business (34%).

In light of these findings, it is recommended that the government, donors and civil society organisations pursue outreach activities to further raise awareness and shape perceptions of trafficking. Community leaders should be engaged to contribute to public denunciation of trafficking practices and protection of victims. It is concerning that a high proportion of respondents believe that some forms of trafficking are part of their culture, as this will hinder efforts to raise levels of reporting, prosecute traffickers and stop the practice.

It is important that awareness activities use medium appropriate for reaching rural areas. School curriculums could be another effective way to raise awareness, and specifically protect potential victims and encourage further reporting of trafficking cases. Given that a significantly lower percentage of Solomon Islanders progress to secondary education, curriculum on trafficking at the primary school level could target more children before they depart from the formal justice system.

It is clear that there is significant hesitation to report trafficking crimes to police. Hand in hand with community awareness and behavioural change, criminal prosecution will assist in condemning and deterring human trafficking. Police in particular should work at overcoming the obstacles to reporting, which will necessarily involve working with communities and community leaders to ensure community support and encouragement for reporting cases to police. Police will then also need to be adequately prepared and trained to respond effectively to trafficking allegations.

Human trafficking is a grave violation of human rights and human dignity, and a phenomenon that feeds on violence, deception, and secrecy. Although Solomon Islands has made human trafficking a crime, profound challenges remain in the fight to prevent trafficking, prosecute offenders, and protect victims. A current primary challenge in the country is insufficient awareness of trafficking among the general public, which leads to communities and responders being unable to identify and support victims, and hold perpetrators to account. It is anticipated that this study, having highlighted the need for greater awareness of trafficking in Solomon Islands, will prompt continued, concerted and targeted measures to combat the odious crime of human trafficking in Solomon Islands.

Authors and Acknowledgement

Joanna Mansfield (ABA ROLI, Solomon Islands) led the design and development of the endline survey in collaboration with Katherine Alexander and Cynthia Smith (ABA ROLI, USA). The endline survey was carried out by members of the Ola Fou Youth and Community Development Program (Elisha Pitanoe, Jenny Kaniko, Silas Savara and Starling Konainao). The team was led by Elisha Pitanoe and we would like to thank the members of Ola Fou Youth and Community Development Program for their support of this project.

We are grateful to the Solomon Islands population and its 406 representatives who agreed to share their knowledge, perceptions and attitudes in relation to human trafficking in Solomon Islands.

 

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